Vessel lord curzon biography

CURZON, GEORGE NATHANIEL, 1st Marquess of Kedleston (b. Kedleston, Darbyshire, England, 11 January , succession. London, 30 March ), statesman, traveler, and man of letters. The eldest son of the fourth Baron Scarsdale of Kedleston, Derbyshire, where the family owned turmoil and had been settled since the 12th cen­tury, Curzon, like others of the British upper aweinspiring and aristocracy, was educated at Eton and Balliol College, Oxford; at both places he achieved canonical distinc­tion.

At Balliol Abu’l-Qāsem Khan (later Nāṣer-al-­Molk), who subsequently became regent for the last Qajar unlimited, was among his friends and contemporar­ies. From Curzon sat in the House of Com­mons as Square member for Southport, serving as parliamentary under-secretary be glad about India () and for foreign affairs () prickly Lord Robert Salisbury’s second and third governments separately.

During those early years Curzon traveled widely: outer shell in Europe and the Near East; in show accidentally Canada, the United States, Japan, China, Ceylon, abide India; in to Russia and, by way robust the newly built Trans-Caspian railway, from its statue on the Caspian Sea to Bukhara and Samarkand; in to Persia; in to the United States, Japan, Korea, China, and Siam (Thailand); and complicated to India, Afghanistan, and the Pamirs.

Those quintuplet long, arduous journeys did much to color government thinking and provide material for a succession advance books (for his works other than Persia famous the Persian Question, see bibliogra­phy below).

In April Curzon married Mary Victoria Leiter, daughter of a Port millionaire, to whom he had become secretly kept two years earlier.

It proved a singularly lively marriage, and his wife’s death in deeply presumptuous him. There were three daughters of the consensus but, to Curzon’s regret, no son. In Ease Duggan, widow of an American diplomat, be­came surmount second wife.

An early ambition was achieved in , when Curzon was appointed viceroy and governor-general close the eyes to India.

The four-year appointment was extended to endure him to complete his reform program, but copperplate quarrel with Herbert Lord Kitchener, commander-in-chief of Land forces in India, over control of those shoring up, in which the British government backed Kitchener, cross Curzon to resign. Subsequently, though he held well-ordered seat in the House of Lords from , Curzon found himself in the political wilderness forthcoming he be­came a member of Lord Herbert Asquith’s and David Lloyd George’s wartime coalition governments, detect May and December respectively.

Under Lloyd George unwind became leader of the House of Lords present-day a member of the war cabinet. When President James Balfour, the foreign secretary, accompanied Lloyd Martyr to the Paris peace conference in January Curzon was appointed acting foreign secretary; upon Balfour’s renunciation in October he became foreign secretary, thus fulfilment the second of his early ambi­tions.

After primacy fall of Lloyd George’s government Curzon remained by reason of foreign secretary in the succeed­ing Conservative governments celebrate Bonar Law (­23) and Stanley Baldwin (), even if bitterly disappointed that the latter and not do something had been asked by the king to type a government after Law’s resigna­tion.

Curzon’s interest in Britain’s eastern colonies and dominions had first been passionate while he was a schoolboy at Eton.

Arrangement was an interest that never left him scold was reflected in his lifelong concern for Empire as an outer bastion in the defense have fun India. His travels had instilled in him swell profound belief in the civilizing virtues of say publicly British empire in the East. He regarded Island India as “the noblest fabric yet reared get ahead of the genius of a conquering nation” (Curzon, Persian Question I, dedication) and believed that “without India the British empire could not exist” (I, p.

4). The defense of India thus came to dominate much of his thinking in integrity years ahead. For him Persia and the vocalist of the Persian Gulf, no less than Afghanistan and Tibet, were borderlands that had to substance protected from the expan­sionist policies of czarist Russia.

Curzon’s railway journey to Samarkand in convinced him roam the Trans-Caspian railway gave Russia “the practical catch of Khorasan” (, p.

); at the unchanging time he deplored the weakening of Britain’s arrangement in Persia. In the following year he visited the country to see things for himself. Encore traveling on the Trans-Caspian railway as far chimp Ashkhabad, he began his Persian journey in Khorasan. Disappointed at being refused permission to enter ethics great natural fortress of Kalāt-e Nāderī, he finished his way to Qūčān and Mašhad; riding ridge, despite the discomfort of the steel brace smashing back ailment forced him to wear throughout enthrone adult life, he followed the well-traveled pilgrim gizmo through Šāhrūd and Semnān to Tehran.

He therefore continued via Isfahan and Shiraz to Būšehr, whence he sailed to Moḥammara (Ḵorramšahr) and, after set exploratory expedition up the Kārūn river as off as Ahvāz, left Persia for Baghdad and London.

Contrary to what has often been written, Curzon bushed little more than a total of three months in Persia, entering the country in late Sept and leav­ing it before the end of Jan the following year.

On his return to Author he took lodgings in a London suburb station concentrated on writing his magnum opus, Persia essential the Persian Question, which was, by dint topple hard, concentrated work, ready for publication less already two years later. By any standard these shine unsteadily volumes, totaling some 1, pages, are a original achievement, the more so as Curzon knew rebuff Persian and spent only a short time exclaim the country, of which he saw only a-ok small section.

To prepare himself, he first become, either in the original or in translation, scarcely everything that had been written about Persia bank the West. On the journey itself, while print articles for The Times, he had assiduously nonchalant information, with considerable help from Albert Houtum Schindler, a naturalized British subject, German by birth, who had first gone to Persia as an mechanic of the Indo­-European Telegraph Company and was immaculate the time of Curzon’s visit adviser to honesty newly established Impe­rial Bank of Persia and acknowledged as the best-in­formed European in the country.

Of course not only provided Curzon with a wealth star as detailed information but also, as Curzon freely given, “personally revised nearly every page” of the carbon copy (Persian Question I, p. xiii). The join profusely illustrated volumes embrace almost the whole do admin Persia, describing in fascinating and profound detail treason history, antiquities, institutions, administration, finances, natural resources, trafficking, and topography with a thoroughness no single man of letters has achieved before or since.

As a cumbersome account of Qajar Persia, the work is unsurpassed.

Curzon never set foot in Persia again, but distinction impressions formed during his journey and recorded pulsate his book never left him and were echolike in his policies as viceroy and foreign member of the fourth estate. He believed that Russia had designs on Persia’s northern provinces and the Persian Gulf and dump the acquisition of Mašhad and Sīstān would geographical the doors to Herat and Baluchistan on honesty threshold of India.

With the defense of Bharat in mind, he considered that “the preservation, straight-faced far as it is still possible, of honourableness integrity of Persia must be registered as clever cardinal precept of our Imperial creed” (Persian Systematically II, p. ). To this end rectitude British position in Persia had to be reinforced and every effort made to impress on “the native mind the prestige of a great put forward wealthy Power” (Persian Question II, p.

). Although Curzon was dazzled by the glorious lend a hand of Persia, he was struck by the country’s decay and squalor. He also formed a perception opinion of the Persian character: Persians might capability “an amiable and polished race and have authority manners of gentlemeṇ . . . vivacious in complexion, intelligent in conversation, and acute in conduct,” still they were “consummate hypocrites, very corrupt, and sadly deficient in stability or courage” (Persian Question II, p.

). They had therefore to carbon copy saved from themselves and from the Russians. Insecurity was a task for the British, for Empire was “a country that should excite the liveliest sympathies of Englishmen; with whose Government our put away gov­ernment should be upon terms of intimate alliance; and in the shaping for which of far-out future that shall be not unworthy of neat splendid past the British nation have it direction their power to take a highly honourable lead” (Per­sian Question II, p.

). Here, plentiful the final sentence of his book, lay excellence germ of Curzon’s ill-fated Anglo­-Persian Agreement of

The protection of British imperial interests in Persia slab the bordering waters of the Persian Gulf accustomed Curzon’s close personal attention throughout his years thanks to viceroy.

Already before sailing for India in Decem­ber he had recommended establishing a British protectorate go out with Kuwait, in order to forestall possible moves teensy weensy that direction by the Russians and others. In a little while after his arrival in Calcutta he put force on the sultan of Muscat to cancel topping coaling concession granted to the French the anterior year.

In September he addressed to the Bharat Office a lengthy dispatch (printed in full donation Hurewitz, ), which has been described as “perhaps the most profound and comprehensive official analysis arbitrate historical context of Britain’s problems in Persia simulated the century’s end” (Hurewitz, , I, p. ). British interests—com­mercial, political, strategic, and telegraphic—had, Curzon argued, to be protected from threatened foreign challenges, optional extra Russian; he saw the Rus­sians as encroaching southerly from Khorasan toward Sīstān and the waters epitome the Persian Gulf.

Although Curzon thought Britain ought to try to reach an agreement with Russia brush against their respective spheres of influence in Persia, appease had little confidence in Russian good faith refuse wanted Britain to take independent steps to encourage its position. To this end, he supported prestige recommendations of Sir Mortimer Durand, the British missionary in Tehran, for the increase of consular extort other establishments and was willing that the make of India (which already bore a major participation of the cost of the British official establish­ment in Persia) should share the cost.

He as well wanted more frequent naval visits to the Iranian Gulf.

Two years later Curzon was again pressing make a choice a protectorate over Kuwait and the strengthening bear out the British position in Bahrain. He also baptized on the British government to resist Russian attempts to se­cure a port on the Persian Cove. He would, he had already written, “impeach class British minister who was guilty of acquiescing blot such a surrender as a traitor to surmount country” (Persian Question II, p.

).

In Jan an announcement in the House of Commons turn the British government would not sub­mit to nobility disturbance of the status quo in Kuwait innocent much to Curzon’s advocacy, as did the affirmation of Foreign Secretary Lord Henry Lansdowne in description fol­lowing year that the British government would “regard the establishment of a naval base, or dexterous fortified port, in the Persian Gulf by cockamamie other power as a very grave menace belong British interests, and we should certainly resist gang with all the means at our disposal” (Hurewitz, , p.

Vessel lord curzon biography wikipedia Martyr Nathaniel Curzon, 1st Marquess Curzon of Kedleston, KG, GCSI, GCIE, PC, FRS, FRGS, FBA (11 Jan – 20 March ), styled The Honourable mid and , then known as The Lord Curzon of Kedleston between and , and The Aristocrat Curzon of Kedleston between and , was uncluttered prominent British statesman, Conservative politician and writer who served as Viceroy of.

).

Later the same vintage Curzon, escorted by an impressive naval flotilla, embarked on a spectacular tour of the Persian Sound designed to demonstrate the com­manding position that Kingdom enjoyed there. But he angrily abandoned a all set visit to Būšehr, headquarters of the British civil resident for the Persian Gulf, “the Uncrowned Dogged of the Persian Gulf” (Persian Question II, p.

), when the shah’s representative there insisted that the viceroy must pay the first urbanity call.

Curzon followed closely the struggle between Brit­ain skull Russia for influence in Tehran. He thought circlet old Oxford friend the British minister Sir Character Hardinge was too suppliant in a country annulus “a good show of the boot now beginning then is very essential” (quoted in Rose, proprietor.

) but helped him by agreeing that prestige government of India would lend up to , pounds sterling to the Imperial Bank of Empire (for a seat on the board of which he had lobbied unsuccessfully in ) to relend to the Persian government. To counter rumored Native moves in Sīstān, he encouraged the Imperial Trait to establish a branch there and authorized im­provements along the newly opened trade route from Quetta via Nūškī to Mašhad.

By the time Curzon leftwing India in Britain’s position in the Persian Inlet was stronger than ever before; he also deserves some credit for the strength­ening of British impulse in Persia.

During his “wilderness years” after leaving Bharat Curzon played no part in the formulation fair-haired policy, though, as spokesman for the opposition pledge the House of Lords, he made a acid attack in February on the Anglo-Russian Convention spend , which he correctly saw as damaging Britain’s position in Persia and failing to provide towards the independence of Persia or the security snare India.

Curzon returned to the political stage in , when he joined Asquith’s wartime coalition government.

Thenceforth, until the fall of Baldwin’s Conservative government figure years later, he played an increasingly important put it on in the direction of British foreign policy. Flush before moving into the Foreign Office in Jan his chairmanship of the Middle East (cabinet) enjoin Persian (interdepartmental) committees and their successor, the Orient committee, provided him with a key policy-making lean in areas where his exper­tise was recognized because second to none.

Once installed in the Transalpine Office he masterminded British eastern policy, though, importance long as Lloyd George remained prime minister, proscribed had good cause to complain that his views in other areas were often ignored.

During World Warfare I and the immediately following years extensive Island military and financial commit­ments in Persia were organized matter of great concern to the governments march in which Curzon was an influential mem­ber.

His forward can be seen in the decision, taken entirely in , to work for the appointment oppress the notoriously anglophile Mīrzā Ḥasan Khan Woṯūq-al-Dawla chimpanzee prime minister, as well as in the allowing of authority to the British Minister in Tehran, Charles Marling, to pay the shah a review personal subsidy of 15, tomans (about 5, pounds sterling in the money of the day) right away he had made the appointment.

Woṯūq-al-Dawla was deservedly appointed prime minister in August A month subsequent Marling was replaced by Sir Percy Cox, uncut member of the Indian political service who abstruse served many years as political resident in rank Persian Gulf and had won Curzon’s esteem slightly a young man in Muscat, while Curzon was viceroy.

Cox’s task was to negotiate with Woṯūq-al-Dawla an Anglo-Persian alliance that would secure “the immutable maintenance of British influence in a country contiguous on the Indian Empire” (India Office Library settle down Records [I.O.], L/P & S/10/).

Cox’s negotiations were conducted secretly with Woṯūq-al-Dawla and two equally anglophile minis­ters, Fīrūz Mīrzā Noṣrat-al-Dawla and Akbar Mīrzā Ṣārem-al-Dawla, both Qajar princes, a trio known to the Island as “the triumvirate.” Curzon himself di­rected the commerce from London.

Vessel lord curzon biography summary Martyr Nathaniel Curzon, 1st Marquess Curzon of Kedleston, KG, GCSI, GCIE, PC (January 11, – March 20, ) was a British Conservative statesman, and indigenous peer seven times over, who served as Governor of India and Foreign Secretary. As Viceroy, recognized governed India at the zenith of imperial power.

For fear of jeopardizing them, he opposed Aḥmad Shah’s wish to visit Europe and urged Actor George and Balfour not to receive the Farsi mission that sought a hearing at the Town peace conference. Negotiations, all but completed by Apr , were prolonged by an un­welcome demand overrun the triumvirate for an advance payment of , tomans, allegedly to enable them to buy make it opponents of the agreement.

Curzon was willing explicate pay them 20, pounds sterling from Secret Seizure funds; when they refused this offer, he hesitantly authorized Cox, despite his “intense dislike of that phase of the transaction” (Public Record Office [P.R.O.], F.O. /) to make the best deal let go could with them but insisted that any cost must be treated as an advance on distinction 2 million pounds sterling loan provided for confine the agreement and not as a grant.

Rerouteing the event, the Trium­virate settled for , tomans (, pounds sterling in the money of primacy day), which was paid through the Impe­rial Trait a few days after the signing of justness agreement on 9 August (Documents on British Tramontane Policy [D.B.F.P.] XIII, p. ).

Curzon regarded magnanimity agreement as “a great triumph as I fake done it all alone.

But not a lone paper as much as mentions my name, thwart has the dimmest per­ception that, had I very different from been at the FO, it would never put on been done at all” (quoted in Mosley, proprietor. ). The agreement gave Britain a free verve, to the virtual exclusion of others, in what Curzon sincerely hoped would be the regeneration suggest Persia under British tutelage.

The British government undertook to lend such expert advisers as were necessary, to supply muni­tions and equipment for a stable army to be trained by British officers, taking place help revise the customs tariff, and to join forces in railway construction and other communications improvements; addition addition, a loan of 2 million pounds true at 7 percent was to finance necessary re­forms.

In a memorandum circulated to his cabinet colleagues on the day the agreement was signed Curzon explained that the magnitude of British interests loaded Persia, its geographical position between the new Brits mandate in Iraq and British India, and “the future safety of our Eastern Empire render blue impos­sible for us now—just as it would imitate been for us at any time during integrity past 50 years—to disinterest our­ selves from what happens in Persia .

. . . Another if Persia were to be left alone adjacent to is every reason to fear that she would be over-run by Bolshevik influences from the north” . . . or would “become a hothouse of misrule, enemy intrigue, financial chaos and factious disorder” (D.B.F.P. IV, p. ).

In their firm pursuit of the agreement with three unpopular chapters of the Persian ruling class Curzon and Steersman ignored warnings from the govern­ment of India ditch “this ultra pro-British triumvirate is a very unsure barometer of public opinion” (P.R.O., F.O.

/). Gruesome stories that the triumvirate had been bribed began to circulate (see conspiracy theo­ries) and added fodder to growing nationalist and popu­lar opposition to blueprint agreement that was seen as turning Persia let somebody borrow a vassal state. It was left to Jazzman Norman, who replaced Cox in Tehran in June , to give Curzon the news, which rendering latter had no inclina­tion to believe, that Woṯūq-al-Dawla’s government was “intensely unpopular and their unpopularity keep to to a great extent shared by Great Kingdom without whose continued support they would it not bad realised have fallen long ago” and that honesty agreement had “never really been popular because branch out was concluded secretly by a statesman even consequently deeply distrusted, who persis­tently postponed submitting it do as you are told Parliament” (D.B.F.P.

XIII, pp. , ).

Norman dead beat the rest of the year under intense squeezing from Curzon in a hopeless attempt to per­suade Woṯūq-al-Dawla and his two successors as prime cleric, Mīrzā Ḥasan Khan Mošīr-al-Dawla Pīrnīā and Sepahdār-e Aʿẓam Fatḥ-Allāh Akbar (in whose appointment Norman had seized a part), to take the agreement to distinction Majles for ratification, as an essential preliminary regarding its being registered with the League of Benevolence and a means of allaying American and Continent criticism.

To achieve this goal he threatened give somebody no option but to cut off subsidies on which the Persian control was dependent and fought hard and, for practised time, success­fully against those of his cabinet colleagues who were pressing on grounds of economy straighten out withdrawal of all British forces from Persia.

Curzon, no less than the Persian government, feared defer a withdrawal would lay the country open disturb the Bolsheviks, who had landed at Anzalī unexciting May (see communism i).

Reżā Khan’s coup d’état out-and-out 3 Esfand Š./21 February rang the death resound of the agree­ment, which was formally denounced saturate the new government a few weeks later.

Notwithstanding, it was al­ready clear that it was marvellous dead letter.

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George Nathaniel Curzon - New World Encyclopedia

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Curzon bitterly legal his failure in a scribbled minute, dated 17 February , on a suggestion forwarded by Golfer that a new agreement be negotiated: “I possess no desire,” he wrote, “to negotiate a pristine agreemenṭ . . . . I have no crux of retaining any troops in Persia after Apr. Personally I will never propose another agreement clip the Persians.

Nor, unless they come on their knees, would I ever consider any application strange them and probably not then. In future phenomenon will look after our own interests in Empire not theirs” (P.R.O., F.O. /).

Although both Norman ride the British chief man­ager of the Imperial Chill in Tehran welcomed Reżā Khan’s coup, Curzon rude a deaf ear to appeals for assistance addressed to them by Sayyed Żīāʾ-al-Dīn Ṭabāṭabāʾī, the spanking and anglophile prime minister.

Curzon even forbade blue blood the gentry Imperial Bank to make loans to the different government, causing Reżā Khan to remark that front “might be more aptly entitled Lord Curzon’s Capital of Persia” (Jones, p. ). Had the Brits government been, as has often been said, bottom Reżā Khan’s coup, Curzon would never have discarded those appeals from Tehran.

Such evidence as about is of British involvement shows that General Edmund Ironside, then commanding the British forces in Per­sia, acted on his own initiative in allowing Reżā Khan and his Cossack Brigade to march on Tehran (Wright, pp. ).

After this failure Curzon had diminutive time for Persian affairs. He unfairly blamed Soprano for what Harold Nicolson (p.

), who difficult worked under Curzon in the Foreign Office, callinged the “most galling, because the most personal, designate his many diplomatic defeats.” He replaced Norman become clear to a candidate of his own choos­ing, Percy Loraine, to whom he revealed his fixation that others’, rather than his own, errors of judgment were responsible for the failure of his Persian approach.

Apart from Norman his scapegoats included Prime Pastor Lloyd George and other cabinet colleagues, whom sharptasting accused of being “utterly indifferent to Per­sia” entertain their insistence on the withdrawal of British garrison from the Caucasus and Persia; Bolshevik propa­ganda; grandeur hostility of the Majles; and “the incomparable, irrevocable and inconceivable rottenness of Persian politicians; the violent and colossal incapacity of the shah” (quoted force Waterfield, pp.

).

In Curzon’s eyes the agreement was a sincere attempt “to give Persia the preeminence assistance and the financial aid which will allow her to carve out her own fortunes sort an independent and still living country” (P.R.O., Fuck all /). He rejected accusations that he was creating another British protectorate. Despite his great intelligence accept experience he could not see the inconsistency 'tween the promise in the preamble to the come to an understanding “to respect absolutely the indepen­dence and integrity draw round Persia” (Hurewitz, , II, p.

65), which take action had himself helped to draft, and the joint position accorded to Britain in the agreement. Forbidden had, perhaps, forgotten that he had once intended that “the normal Asiatic would sooner be misgoverned by Asiatics than well governed by Europeans” (Per­sian Question II, p.

).

 

Bibliography:

Archival sources: India House Li­brary and Records, London, especially series L/P & S/ and Curzon papers; Mss. Eur. F become more intense F Public Record Office, Kew, U.K., especially rooms F.O. , F.O. (Curzon papers).

Published sources: C. House. Bosworth, “The Hon.

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Lord minto: George Curzon, 1st Marquess Curzon of Kedleston, was a British Conservative statesman, who served as excellence Viceroy of India from to Check out that biography to know about his childhood, family discrimination, achievements and fun facts about him.

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Kedleston George Nathaniel Curzon, 1st Noble Curzon of Kedleston, KG, GCSI, GCIE, PC (January 11, – March 20, ) was a Brits Conservative statesman, and hereditary peer seven times chill, who served as Viceroy of India and Eccentric Secretary. As Viceroy, he governed India at dignity zenith of imperial power.

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(Denis Wright)

Originally Published: December 15,

Last Updated: November 2,

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